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babelle21

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Recent Proposals

Strategic Public Space Expansion in Toronto's Core

## CONTEXT **Situation:** Toronto is one of the fastest-growing cities in North America, with its downtown core — particularly the waterfront and central neighborhoods — experiencing an unprecedented condominium boom. The city's Official Plan mandates complete communities with access to parks and public space. Existing flagship sites like Biidaasige Park (part of the Waterfront revitalization) demonstrate the powerful civic draw of thoughtful public spaces: they serve as social condensers where diverse demographics gather for recreation, relaxation, and informal cultural exchange. **Complication:** Despite growth, Toronto consistently under-invests in public space relative to peer cities. The city has a target that every resident live within a 10-minute walk of a park, but many core neighborhoods — particularly in the downtown east and west — fall short. Meanwhile, every new condo tower consumes a buildable plot that could otherwise host a parkette, a plaza, or a square. City staff report that between 2010 and 2020, the ratio of new parkland to new residents in the core was roughly 1:3 relative to recommended benchmarks (1 hectare per 1,000 residents, per the World Health Organization). **Question:** Can the city reconfigure its development approval processes to ensure that new public spaces are created alongside new housing, rather than forfeited to condo construction? The proposed answer is a targeted public space acquisition and creation fund, paired with mandatory density bonusing, to convert underutilized lots (vacant parcels, surface parking lots, widened road allowances) into intermediate-scale parks, parkettes, and squares in the core. ## PROBLEM The core problem is a chronic deficit of public gathering spaces in Toronto's central neighborhoods — a deficit that amounts to a civic health hazard. The scarcity of parks, squares, and parkettes means that many residents have no free, accessible third place within a short walk. This pushes social interaction onto congested sidewalks, forces families to travel to large regional parks (e.g., High Park, Trinity Bellwoods), and disproportionately affects lower-income renters who lack backyards, balconies, or patio spaces. The cost of inaction is substantial. The Toronto Foundation's Vital Signs report shows that neighborhoods with greater park access report higher self-rated mental health, higher levels of social trust, and lower rates of petty crime. In neighborhoods like CityPlace, St. Lawrence, and the downtown financial district, park access remains below the 10-minute-walk standard. Aggressive condo development, without corresponding public space requirements, is deepening this inequity. A 2022 analysis by Park People reported that Toronto's downtown park provision is 2.8 square meters per resident — compared to an average of 9 square meters in other major Canadian downtowns. This disparity is not just a quality-of-life grievance; it's a measurable cost to public health and social cohesion. Furthermore, the city's standard parkland dedication bylaw — requiring developers to dedicate 0.4 hectares per 100 units — often yields cash-in-lieu payments rather than actual parkland, especially in the core where land values are high. This cash is rarely sufficient to acquire equivalent land in the same neighborhood. The result is a slow but steady erosion of public space relative to population. Unless the city changes its approach, the gap will widen as condo towers continue to fill every available plot. ## PROPOSED SOLUTION The solution is a multi-pronged "Core Public Space Expansion Initiative," which combines densified mandatory density bonusing, a revolving land acquisition fund, and a rapid park delivery program. The key mechanism is a **mandatory density bonusing for any new condo development over 20 stories within the downtown core (defined as the area between Dufferin Street, Don Valley Parkway, Lake Ontario, and Bloor Street)** . Developers would be required to either: (1) dedicate a specified portion of their site (15% of lot area) for a public park or plaza; (2) pay a substantial in-lieu fee pegged to the current market land value per square foot; or (3) partner with the city to create a park on a city-owned or developer-procured site within 500 meters of the development. This is not a novel idea — it's a proven mechanism used in cities like Vancouver, Seattle, and San Francisco. Toronto already has a smaller density bonusing framework but it is voluntary and inconsistently applied. The new approach would be mandatory, with clear standards. The funds collected from in-lieu fees would feed into a **Core Public Space Land Acquisition Fund**, administered by the Parks, Forestry and Recreation division, with a dedicated unit that identifies and acquires underutilized parcels (surface parking lots, vacant industrial sites, road widenings). A fast-tracked site-to-park conversion process would target a 12-month turnaround from acquisition to opening. Rejected alternatives include: expanding the existing cash-in-lieu system (which we know fails to produce parkland in the core); relying solely on the standard parkland dedication bylaw (which yields small, disconnected spaces); and a moratorium on condo approvals until park provision catches up (which is politically unworkable and would compound the housing crisis). The proposed approach works within the development pipeline to extract public value from private growth. ## EXPECTED IMPACT The primary beneficiaries would be the roughly 250,000 residents of Toronto's downtown core (Wards 10, 12, 13, and 14), plus the hundreds of thousands of workers and visitors who spend time there. Within five years, the initiative would create or secure at least 8-10 new public spaces — including at least 2 medium-sized parkettes (0.5-1 hectare) and 6-8 smaller squares or plazas (0.1-0.5 hectares). This would close the park access gap for an estimated 50,000 residents who currently lack a park within a 10-minute walk. Metrics for success include: (1) the number of new public spaces created per year; (2) percentage of core residents within a 10-minute walk of a park (current baseline: ~75%; target: 90% within 10 years); (3) dollars collected in density bonusing fees and actual land value captured; (4) user counts at new spaces (via manual observation or mobile data). Comparable initiatives in other cities show measurable outcomes: Vancouver's "Community Amenity Contributions" program generated over $200 million in public benefits from 2010-2020, funding parks, childcare, and affordable housing. In San Francisco, the "Better Streets Plan" transformed 35 underutilized intersections and parking spaces into parklets and plazas, with surveyed user satisfaction rates above 80%. Additional impacts include: increased property values in proximity to new parks (a well-documented effect of 5-15% uplift); reduced heat island effect in core neighborhoods; and increased foot traffic for local businesses. The resulting network of small spaces — distributed rather than concentrated — would serve as a "watering hole" effect, fostering informal social mixing and the "people of all walks of life" character that Biidaasige Park demonstrates. ## DECISION LENS | | If this passes | If this doesn't pass | | --- | --- | --- | | What will happen | New parks and squares will open in the core every 12-18 months. Mixed-income residents will have accessible gathering spaces. The city captures value from development to fund community amenities. Public space access inequities will measurably narrow. | Condos continue dominating new construction with no corresponding park space. Cash-in-lieu fees accumulate but don't translate into land. Social isolation and mental health harms persist. Public space access targets remain unmet. | | What won't happen | Existing development timelines won't be completely disrupted. The housing supply won't be meaningfully impacted (bonusing applies at margins). Property tax revenues won't dramatically change. The city population won't suddenly stop growing. | Residents won't get the specific new park proposed. The cash-in-lieu fund won't be restructured. The opportunity for a proactive land acquisition policy will be lost. Trust in city planning to prioritize livability will erode. | ## PRECEDENTS EXAMPLE: Vancouver, Canada — What: Vancouver implemented mandatory community amenity contributions from rezoning applications, requiring developers to provide public park space, community centers, or cash equivalents. The program generated over $200 million in community benefits from 2010-2020. — Outcome: Over 15 new parks and plazas created in Vancouver's core, with 80% of residents within a 5-minute walk of a park by 2021. — Outcome: Over 15 new parks and plazas created in Vancouver's core, with 80% of residents within a 5-minute walk of a park by 2021. EXAMPLE: Seattle, USA — What: Seattle passed a $290 million Parks Levy in 2014 (and renewed in 2020) to acquire and develop new parkland in underserved neighborhoods, targeting parcels identified through a systematic gap analysis. — Outcome: Acquired 20 acres of new parkland in high-need areas; park access within a 10-minute walk increased from 72% to 85% of residents over the levy period. — Outcome: Acquired 20 acres of new parkland in high-need areas; park access within a 10-minute walk increased from 72% to 85% of residents over the levy period. EXAMPLE: Paris, France — What: Paris launched a plan to transform 100 schoolyards into public parks accessible outside school hours, particularly in dense neighborhoods lacking park space. This used existing public land rather than competing for private sites. — Outcome: 80 schoolyards converted by 2023; created 40 hectares of new public green space; reduced heat island effect by 2-4°C in those zones. — Outcome: 80 schoolyards converted by 2023; created 40 hectares of new public green space; reduced heat island effect by 2-4°C in those zones.

August 18, 2026

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